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Sunday 20 July 2014

What Can Hamas Possibly Hope to Gain?



The question is on everyone's lips in Israel. What can Hamas possibly hope to gain from this latest round in the conflict? Can't they see that they are out-gunned and outmatched? How can they possibly hope to win this war?

The sad and horrible truth is, they are winning. They are winning and their victory, in this round and in previous rounds of the conflict are tangible and measurable.

While it is true that Hamas has suffered more casualties, and their physical infrastructure is being decimated, none of these are factors in defeating Hamas. In fact, the opposite is true, for these factors actually play into the overall long term strategy of Hamas.

Yes, Hamas has a strategy. And that is the main reason for their success. They have goals and they are meeting them.

From a strategic perspective, the main difference between Hamas and Israel is that Hamas knows what it wants and is prepared for a long drawn out conflict that could take decades to achieve its goals. Israel, as a society, doesn't know what it wants, except that it wants “it,” to stop, and thus is not prepared for any sustained campaign. Israel wants quiet; it is not seeking victory. Not only isn't Israel seeking to victory, it isn't even sure how to define that victory.

Hamas' goal is clear. It wants to eradicate the State of Israel. It wants to destroy the Jewish dream of redemption and replace it with another Arab Muslim state. Frankly their goal isn't any different from that of the Palestinian Authority, which is why they are able to work together, using different tactics to achieve the same strategic objectives. They recognize that the fulfillment of their is not immediately achievable, but they are willing to accomplish their objectives in stages.

To this end, Hamas' current “military” objectives are two fold. They want to wear Israel society down, to disrupt the daily live of the Israelis, and to increase the tension and anxiety of the average Israeli. They want Israel to despair of having a quiet “normal” life. Their second objective to “expose” Israel as the oppressor and aggressor, in their own society, in Israeli society and in the eyes of the world. The more damage Israel does, the more citizens Israel kills, accomplishes this goal, no matter how much “restrain” Israel uses, or the reasons for the casualties.

Israel continually plays into the hand of Palestinians. Israel allows Hamas to define the conflict, and set the rules of engagement. Israel is always reacting, defending. It is never proactive; It doesn't define and achieve clearly defined military goals. Israel hasn't any strategic vision for success. Instead, Israel continually stresses that its operation is limited, continually tries to legitimize every action, agonizes over every casualty, theirs and ours, and apologize for any perceived excess.

The longer the conflict persists, the more Israel's position is eroded.

Hamas can be confident that Israel will not eliminate the organization. Other organizations and states (including Israel) will pay for the rebuilding of the physical infrastructure.

Israel is as afraid of winning the conflict as it is of losing.

The more Israel acts like a foreign occupier and not the legitimate indigenous nation, the more it justifies the others claims. The more it cedes territory and position in an effort to be “fair and just,” the more it undermines its own existence.
As long as there are two competing claims to the same land, there will never be quiet, there will always be tension and conflict, and the more Israel accepts the others claim, the more it undermines its own.

Israel really has only one choice if it wants to survive, and that is to claim and take ownership and control of all the territory between the Jordan River and the Sea. The sixty year War of Attrition must be brought to a conclusion. It must apply its sovereignty to all its territories and eradicate any competing claimant. That would be the only way to insure peace. Any other “solution” will only bring Israel the quiet of the grave.

Monday 3 March 2014

Qidush HaShem in The City of HaShem


Let me point out the Qiddush HaShem (Sanctification of Gd's name) for those that fail to see it:

When 60 ribo (600,000) of Jews publicly accept the Yoke of Heaven it is a Qiddush HaShem, by definition.

It is *NOT* rationale to conclude that the performance of a mitswah (Qidush HaShem is a mitswah) is contingent upon it being favorable in the eyes of non (or non observant) Jews.

When 400-600,000 people demonstrate to express their opinion peaceably (even if you might not agree with their opinion), without violence, vandalism or disorder, no matter who it is, that is a sanctification of Gd's Name.

Sunday 16 February 2014

בין שתי ציוניות





מאז כניסתה של "הציונות המודרנית," הייתה לתנועה הפוליטית-החברתית מתח פנימי ועמוק מאד.  עם הקמת המדינה, והניצחון ורכישת שטח, המתח העמיק.  ה"איום של שלום" הנוכחי יצר משבר של דיסוננס שאי אפשר להתעלם ממנו.  בשורשו, הוא משבר של זהות :  מהי ציונות?  מהי מטרתה של קיומיה?

לכן יש כל כך הרבה אנשים שמדברים בשם "ציונות" מעמדות שונות ומנוגדות לחלוטין.  ולפעמים אפשר לשמוע שתי הקולות האלה מאותו בן אדם, כפי שאנשים רבים, ובמיוחד אלה שהיו מעורבים בפוליטיקה, מזדהים עם חלקים משתי הצורות.

בצד אחד לפי צורת הציונות של הרצל, ציונות כבר הגשימה את מטרתה, ולכן הפכה להיות לא רלוונטית.  וזו התופעה שנקראת "פוסט ציונות."  הציונות של הרצל קמה כדי לענות על השאלה הנצחית ומטרידה, ה"שאלה היהודית."  לא רק שאלה ליהודים אלא לעולם, שבמשך מאות שנים נאבק עם אותה השאלה:  מה לעשות עם היהודים?  בעוד רבים של "הפתרונות" שהוצעו לשאלה זו היו די נוראיים, הרצל, במאמץ האדיר שלו, לא סטה באופן קיצוני מהפרמטרים והמגבלות הבסיסיים של "הבעיה."  היהודים, כקבוצה לאומית דתית חברתית, עומדים בנפרד משאר הציביליזציה.  הם  לא מסוגלים או מסרבים להשתלב עם שאר העולם.  כתוצאה מכך, על פי צורתה של הציונות של הרצל, היהודים נרדפו.  הקמת מדינה מודרנית "נורמאלית" ליהודים נועדה כדי להקל על השתלבותו של העם היהודי עם משפחות העולם, ובאותו זמן לספק מקלט, מהרדיפות.

עם זאת, יש קול אחר.  קול עתיק ועמוק יותר, קול של ציונות שמהדהדת, ותמיד הדהד, בלבם של היהודי אפילו הציני והפרגמאטי ביותר.  זה קולו של הציונות הגאולתית.  בפרדיגמה של הציונות הזו, מדינת ישראל אינה אלא שלב בתהליך התגלגלות הרף של הגאולה השלימה, גאולה שמוגדרת בחיבור בין עם ישראל לאלוקי ישראל בארץ ישראל.  זהו תהליך של ציונות שמגיע לשיאו במילוי תפקיד של ישראל כאור לגויים - מורה ודוגמא ומנהיג - לשאר העולם, והוא מתבטא בבניין בית המקדש בהר המוריה.

כאשר יש קולות שבוכים שיהודים לא יכולים לגור תחת "שלטון זר" (כי זה לא בטוח) או שהם צריכים לסרב לאזרחות הספרדית (בגלל אנחנו "לא יכולים לסמוך על הגויים"), אנחנו שומעים הדים מהציונות של הרצל, ציונות גלותית.  ציונות גאולתית לא שואלת איך יהודים יכולים לגור תחת שלטון זר, אלא איך יכולה להיות ארץ ישראל בשלטון זר.  ועוד יותר, איך אפשר ש"המדינה היהודית" מנוהלת על ידי ערכים וחוקים זרים?

ציונות גאולתית אינה מאוימת מממשלה שמנסה לכפר על העבר שלה.  היא אינה "פוחדת מההגויים", אלא מכירה במשימתה לגאול את העמים האחרים מתרדמתם הרוחנית והמוסרית שלהם.

לציוניות גאולתית, מדינת ישראל היא לא "פיצוי" לפשעי האנושות שבוצעו נגד עם ישראל.  היא לא רואה את בני ישראל כקורבנות של היסטוריה.  אלא, היא רואה את קיבוץ הגליות לארץ ישראל כמימוש הבטחה הנצחית של אלוקי ישראל.  ציונות  גאולתי רואה בזה חובה להיות נאמנת להבטחה ולעזור ולאפשר הביצוע המלא שלה. 

הציונות של הרצל, במיוחד בשנים הראשונות, שאבה את הנטייה הטבעית החזקה של הציונות הגאולתית שמושתלת בכל נשמה יהודית.  אבל, הגורל של הציונות של הרצל גורל שווא, שנכשל.  הנס של ישראל לא יכול להיות מקוצץ בפרגמטיזם.  כל ניסיון לעשות זאת יעקב את הכול.

הגיע הזמן לציונות הגאולתית להפסיק להקשיב (ולהחזיר על) ההדים של הרצל.  אין שום "בעיה יהודית" לפתור, אלא רק הבטחה יהודית להשלים. 

Friday 14 February 2014

A Tale of Two Zionisms




Since the advent of "modern Zionism" the political-social "ism" has been the subject of a very deep internal tension.  With the creation of the State of Israel, the military victories and acquisition of territory, the tension deepened.  The current "threat of peace," has created a crisis of dissonance that cannot be ignored.  At its root it is an identity crisis:  What is Zionism?  What is its purpose, its reason d'êtres?

This is why so many, speaking in the name of "Zionism," voice such disparate and contrary positions.  Even many individuals are found to sometimes speak in "two voices," as many individuals, particularly those involved in politics have affinities for aspects of both models.

On the one hand, according to the Herzelian model of Zionism, it has already fulfilled its purpose and has therefore become irrelevant.  This is the phenomena of the so-called "Post-Zionism."  Herzelian Zionism came into existence to answer the eternal and troubling "Jewish Question."  This wasn't only a question for Jews, as the world had for centuries struggled with the same question: What to do with the Jews?  While many of the "solutions" proffered to this question were quite horrendous, Herzl, in his monumental effort, did not radically stray from the basic parameters and constraints of the "problem."  The Jews, as a social religious national group, stood apart from the rest of civilization, unable or refusing to integrate with the rest of the world.  As a result, according to the model, Jews were subject to persecution.  The establishment of a modern "normal" state for the Jews was intended to facilitate the Jewish nation's integration into the family of nations, while at the same time provide a haven, and refuge from persecution.

Yet, there is another voice, an older, deeper voice of Zionism that resonates, and has always resonated in the hearts of even the most cynical and pragmatic Jew.  This is the voice of Redemptive Zionism.  Within this paradigm of Zionism, the State of Israel is but a step in the continually unfolding process of redemption, a redemption that is defined through the unification of the people of Israel with the God of Israel in the Land of Israel.  It is a process of Zionism that culminates in the fulfillment of Israel's role as a light, a teacher and example, a leader to the rest of the world, and is symbolized through the building of the Temple on Mount Moriah. 

When there are voices decrying that Jews cannot live under "foreign rule" (because it's not safe), or that they should refuse the Spanish citizenship (because we "can't trust the goyim), these are echoes of the Herzelian Zionism.  A Redemptive Zionist would not ask how Jews could live under foreign rule, but rather, how could the Land of Israel be under foreign rule?  And further, how can the Jewish State be run by foreign rules? 

Redemptive Zionists are not threatened by a government trying to make amends for its past.  They are not "afraid of the goyim," but rather recognize their mission to redeem the other nations from their spiritual and moral slumber.

For Redemptive Zionists, the State of Israel is not "compensation," for the crimes of humanity have perpetrated against the nation of Israel.  It doesn't see Israel as victims.  Rather, it sees the ingathering of the nation of Israel to the Land of Israel as the fulfillment of an eternal promise by Gd.  Redemption Zionists see it as incumbent to remain loyal to that promise and to help enable its complete fulfillment. 

Herzelian Zionism, particularly in the early years, siphoned the strong natural inclination of Redemptive Zionism that is implanted in every Jewish soul.  But the goals of Herzelian Zionism are a false destiny, and are therefore doomed to fail.  The miracle of Israel can not be truncated by the pragmatism.  Any attempt to do so will only set back the entire enterprise. 

It is time for the Redemptive Zionists to stop listening to the echoes of Herzl.  There is no Jewish problem to solve, only a Jewish promise to fulfill.